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Showing posts with label Parliamentary Sovereignty. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Parliamentary Sovereignty. Show all posts

Monday, 22 May 2017

How to answer a JR exam Question


Faced with a problem question in a law exam about whether Judicial Review can be used? This flowchart suggests a logical approach to structuring your answer.

(click on the image for a full sized version)


Don't forget that as well as problem questions on Judicial Review - which are all about specific decisions, the issue of Judicial Review is relevant to the Constitutional issues of Separation of Powers and Parliamentary supremacy. So do reflect on those issues.


Wednesday, 10 May 2017

A little more on Parliamentary Supremacy/Sovereignty

One of the first writers to discuss the concept was Jean Bodin (1529/30 - 1596), who published in 1576 "Les Six Livres de la Republique". Cambridge University Press have taken some of the chapters and published them as "On Sovereignty" which was edited by Julian Franklin.



The context was that the idea of being "English" or "French" was changing from the feudal idea of being the subject of a particular king (as in "I am English because I owe my allegiance to the King of England") to being from a particular geographic area (the modern idea of "I am English because I was born/live permanently in England). Ideas of states based on geography, and have a single source of constitutional power began to develop.

Parliamentary Sovereignty is a concept based on that idea of there being a single source of power. Once the King was sovereign (this is not a pun!) - but after the English Civil War, and certainly after the "Glorious Revolution" in which Parliament 'chased James II out of town' and chose William and Mary to be the new Monarchs - it was recognised that power derives from Parliament. It can make or dissolve any institution (it can create, and subsequently abolish a Scottish Parliament; institutions of local government; Courts...); and define who can become King (Act of Settlement 1701).

Dicey is the most well known academic who sought to describe and define the principle. To slightly paraphrase him - it means

1 Parliament can pass any law it wants (unlike the US Congress which can have its laws struck down by the Supreme Court if in conflict with the Constitution)

2 A Parliament is not bound by its predecessors (so there can be no entrenched legislation which forces a later Parliament to use special procedures to change specific laws - like a 2/3 majority, or a referendum)

3 What Parliament has done cannot be questioned in the Courts (another aspect of the first meaning)

But Parliamentary Sovereignty has been challenged. It sits uneasily with British membership of the European Union. By passing the European Communities Act 1972. Our membership involves agreeing to limit our legislative freedom - and to be subject to decisions of the Court of Justice of the European Union.In the Thoburn case it was recognised that the usual principle of "implied repeal" didn't apply to the European Communities Act. Of course the answer to a claim that Parliamentary Sovereignty is dead - is that Parliament retains the sovereign right to repeal the European Communities Act.

Dicey is not the only view of the doctrine. There is an excellent, thought provoking book by Jeffrey Goldsworthy


Most Constitutional Textbooks rehearse the various arguments. If you are a law student sitting exams shortly - be sure that you are able to define the doctrine and discuss the various arguments about its strength today. Don't forget the importance of critically evaluating the arguments put forward by the various commentators.

Friday, 5 May 2017

Dicey and Parliamentary Supremacy

One of the greatest writers about the British Constitution was Albert Venn Dicey. He lived from February 4, 1835 to April 7, 1922. His first major work, "An Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution" appeared in 1885. He is most famous for his work in describing and defining the doctrines of "Parliamentary Sovereignty" and the "Rule of Law".



The doctrine of parliamentary supremacy was summarised by Dicey in three points:

Parliament can make law concerning anything. - this is in contrast to the position in many countries where the acts of the legislature can be struck down for conflicting with the Constitution (as can happen in the USA after the Supreme Court claimed the power in Marbury v Madison)

No Parliament can bind a future parliament (that is, it cannot pass a law that cannot be changed or reversed by a future Parliament) - put another way, no incoming Parliament is bound by previous parliaments. Again this contrasts with other countries where certain rules are 'entrenched' - meaning the rule can either never be repealed (as with the French Constitution Art 89 "The republican form of government shall not be the object of any amendment") or requires special procedures to amend ( such as Art 5 of the US Constitution requiring 2/3rd of all States or 2/3rd of both House of Congress to propose an amendment - and ratification of the amendment by3/4th of all state legislatures)

A valid Act of Parliament cannot be questioned by the court. Parliament is the supreme lawmaker.
There is a very useful article on recent developments on Wikipedia (NOT A SOURCE I WOULD GENERALLY USE OR TRUST) - but whoever the author was, they have produced a useful resource.

Recent developments

Parliamentary sovereignty prevents judicial review of primary legislation passed by Parliament. However, in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, the notion of parliamentary supremacy was modified under the influence of five principal sources: The devolution of power to regional assemblies in Scotland (Scottish Parliament), Wales (Welsh Assembly) and Northern Ireland (Northern Ireland Assembly). All three assemblies can pass primary legislation within the areas that have been devolved to them. As the system remains devolved and not federal, the powers of these assemblies stems from the UK Parliament and can be suspended.

The UK's membership of the European Economic Community, later the European Union, from 1973. The EU represents, as the European Court of Justice ruled in 1963 in the case Van Gend en Loos, a "new legal order of international law for the benefit of which the [Member] States have limited their sovereign rights, albeit within limited fields". The UK became part of that legal order - though the fact that UK membership of the EU has been brought about through Acts of Parliament - principally the European Communities Act 1972 - raises the possibility that Parliament could, as a matter of UK law, pass further legislation unilaterally withdrawing the UK from the Union, or selectively barring the application of European law within the UK. {As subsequent events have shown!}

Following the case of Thoburn v Sunderland City Council certain statutes are protected as Constitutional Statutes. The case involved amendments to the Weights and Measures Act 1985 by the Weights and Measures Act 1985 (Metrication) (Amendment) Order 1994 pursuant to Directive 80/181/EEC. This stated that Imperial measurements could be displayed so long as the metric measurements were displayed in larger type beside them. Thoburn was convicted for only using Imperial measurements. In his defence he argued that allowing even limited use of Imperial measurements was in contravention of the relevant directive and therefore in contravention of Section 2(2) of the European Communities Act 1972. This would have invoked the doctrine of implied repeal which is essential to the doctrine of Parliamentary Sovereignty. In his judgment, Lord Justice Laws held that certain statutes of constitutional importance including Magna Carta and the European Communities Act 1972 could not be repealed by implied repeal. As such, this has slightly limited Parliament's sovereignty.

The enactment of the Human Rights Act 1998 which incorporates part of the European Convention on Human Rights into domestic law. The Act gives UK courts the power to issue a declaration of incompatibility where they believe that the terms of an Act of Parliament are in contravention of the rights guaranteed by the Act. The effect of the declaration is not to annul the Act but send a signal to Parliament which may then choose to amend the offending provision. As with the UK's membership of the European Union, the principle of parliamentary supremacy means that Parliament can at any time vote to repeal the Act and indeed the UK's ratification of the Convention itself.

The increasing use of referendums. Although the result of a referendum is in no way binding on Parliament unless it has previously agreed that this will be case, in practice there will be considerable pressure on Parliament from the electorate to take the result into account.

However, Parliament may withdraw from the most of the commitments it has made or repeal any of the constraints it has imposed on its ability to legislate. Thus, Parliament theoretically remains almost entirely sovereign. The qualifier "almost" is provided because in 1921, after a century of dispute, Parliament passed the Church of Scotland Act 1921 which finally agreed that it does not have sovereignty over the Church of Scotland, the established church in Scotland.

There is a concept in political science of 'legal' and 'political' sovereignty. It can be argued that legal sovereignty has not been lost, because Parliament still retains all its theoretical powers. There are no legal limits on Parliament's sovereignty. However, as it is highly unlikely that the UK would repeal the European Communities Act and leave the EU, and it is unlikely the devolved legislature would be abolished, there are significant political limits on the sovereignty of Parliament. Nevertheless, it remains the case that the UK Parliament could do so without seeking the mutual consent of the EU or the devolved legislatures, as it did with the abolition of the Parliament of Northern Ireland in 1972, and that if it did, these repeals would be legally and politically binding.

This stands in contrast to the Acts of Parliament which have been used to grant independence from the UK to former dominions and colonies in the British Empire. Following the Balfour Declaration, the Statute of Westminster 1931 established a status of legislative equality between the self-governing dominions of the British Empire and the United Kingdom, and provided that Acts passed by the UK Parliament would not apply in the dominions without a dominion's express consent. It is difficult to see how the UK could later resile from that position. By way of further example, the UK Parliament passed the Canada Act 1982 which stated that the UK Parliament would no longer be able to amend the Canadian constitution. If the UK parliament were to repeal or amend the Canada Act 1982, it would be unenforceable as Canada is no longer subject to UK sovereignty.

Of course this year we have had the decision in R (Miller) v Sec of State for Exiting the European Union. A Must Read!!!

Wednesday, 1 February 2017

Doing the Wrong Thing?

I've always been passionate about Parliament. It has been my main interest in research and teaching. I love to watch the debates, and particularly the activities in the Select Committees. I've fought two parliamentary elections as a candidate, and worked in the Palace of Westminster - both on a voluntary and (low) paid basis. The history of Parliament inspires me - and I maintain the highest regard for the institution and many of its members and staff - who work long hours, often doing work for which they get no thanks - and which poorly rewards skills that they have chosen to use in the service of others when they could have been much better rewarded elsewhere.

But I'm rather sad today. I fear that tonight will be one of the House of Common's low points. It has had its high points - it has stood up to tyrants; established rights that we should cherish; created institutions which have served the people well; - most of all it has been the scene of many significant victories in the march towards liberty for all.

Yet tonight - despite having had the principle of parliamentary sovereignty upheld only a few days ago in the Supreme Court - it will probably hand the Executive a blank cheque.

Don't underestimate the significance of the Second Reading of a bill. It is the point at which the House gives its approval in principle to a legislative measure that has been proposed to it. After ceding the agreement in principle, it can make amendments to the details - but the principle has been adopted.

We had hoped that before the House of Commons did that a White Paper would have been produced - so that the Members of the House could see where the Executive was going with the power the House was about to give it. Well - and this adds insult to injury - it will NOT be published until the House has voted to cede power to the Executive.

The Bill is short - it is the worst kind of enabling bill - this is what a blank cheque looks like in parliamentary language.

Be it enacted by the Queen’s most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and 
consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present 
Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows:—

1     Power to notify withdrawal from the EU

(1) The Prime Minister may notify, under Article 50(2) of the Treaty on European 
Union, the United Kingdom’s intention to withdraw from the EU.

(2) This section has effect despite any provision made by or under the European 
Communities Act 1972 or any other enactment.

2      Short title

This Act may be cited as the European Union (Notification of Withdrawal) Act 
2017.

Good legislation, when granting powers, should state any restrictions that Parliament thinks necessary, any requirements for reporting back or when parliament should be consulted when the power is used. There are none here.

And the first thing that the Government will do if it wins the vote on Second Reading is to move a programme motion which will restrict the time available for debate. [Such a motion requires notice - you can read it in today's Order Paper - https://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201617/cmagenda/OP170201.pdf pages 6 to 7]

I hope I'm wrong. But within hours the House and its members will decide. Your member of Parliament owes a duty to you. Edmund Burke.

"I am sorry I cannot conclude without saying a word on a topic touched upon by my worthy colleague. I wish that topic had been passed by at a time when I have so little leisure to discuss it. But since he has thought proper to throw it out, I owe you a clear explanation of my poor sentiments on that subject.

He tells you that "the topic of instructions has occasioned much altercation and uneasiness in this city;" and he expresses himself (if I understand him rightly) in favour of the coercive authority of such instructions.

Certainly, gentlemen, it ought to be the happiness and glory of a representative to live in the strictest union, the closest correspondence, and the most unreserved communication with his constituents. Their wishes ought to have great weight with him; their opinion, high respect; their business, unremitted attention. It is his duty to sacrifice his repose, his pleasures, his satisfactions, to theirs; and above all, ever, and in all cases, to prefer their interest to his own. But his unbiassed opinion, his mature judgment, his enlightened conscience, he ought not to sacrifice to you, to any man, or to any set of men living. These he does not derive from your pleasure; no, nor from the law and the constitution. They are a trust from Providence, for the abuse of which he is deeply answerable. Your representative owes you, not his industry only, but his judgment; and he betrays, instead of serving you, if he sacrifices it to your opinion.

My worthy colleague says, his will ought to be subservient to yours. If that be all, the thing is innocent. If government were a matter of will upon any side, yours, without question, ought to be superior. But government and legislation are matters of reason and judgment, and not of inclination; and what sort of reason is that, in which the determination precedes the discussion; in which one set of men deliberate, and another decide; and where those who form the conclusion are perhaps three hundred miles distant from those who hear the arguments?

To deliver an opinion, is the right of all men; that of constituents is a weighty and respectable opinion, which a representative ought always to rejoice to hear; and which he ought always most seriously to consider. But authoritative instructions; mandates issued, which the member is bound blindly and implicitly to obey, to vote, and to argue for, though contrary to the clearest conviction of his judgment and conscience,--these are things utterly unknown to the laws of this land, and which arise from a fundamental mistake of the whole order and tenor of our constitution.

Parliament is not a congress of ambassadors from different and hostile interests; which interests each must maintain, as an agent and advocate, against other agents and advocates; but parliament is a deliberative assembly of one nation, with one interest, that of the whole; where, not local purposes, not local prejudices, ought to guide, but the general good, resulting from the general reason of the whole. You choose a member indeed; but when you have chosen him, he is not member of Bristol, but he is a member of parliament. If the local constituent should have an interest, or should form an hasty opinion, evidently opposite to the real good of the rest of the community, the member for that place ought to be as far, as any other, from any endeavour to give it effect. I beg pardon for saying so much on this subject. I have been unwillingly drawn into it; but I shall ever use a respectful frankness of communication with you. Your faithful friend, your devoted servant, I shall be to the end of my life: a flatterer you do not wish for."

Some will say that the Referendum result gags MPs today. But declining a Second Reading to this bill - is NOT a rejection of that result. This bill, if passed, will cede the right to oversee our departure from the European Union from Parliament to the Executive. If you feel strongly about this - then contact your MP straight away. If you don't know who your MP is - then this LINKtakes you to a page that will help you find him or her.

Saturday, 21 May 2016

Revision for Constitutional Law - Dicey on Parliamentary Sovereignty

A couple of years ago (doesn't it show!) I recorded three short videos on the subject of Dicey and his explanation of Parliamentary Sovereignty (or 'supremacy').

If you are revising for an exam in which Parliamentary Sovereignty may make an appearance (such as the Open University's W200 or W201 courses - or Constitutional Law at degree level) - these videos may assist your revision.

Please use - or share this post with people who might find it useful. It is also of course relevant to the debate around the EU Referendum.








Saturday, 25 October 2014

Dicey - Hero or Villan?

This morning I'll be discussing the British doctrine of "Parliamentary Sovereignty" with my Open University W201 class in Oxford. It's an interesting doctrine (some writers refer to it as "Parliamentary Supremacy"). We'll be looking at where the idea came from; what it means; and whether it is valid in the 21st Century.

It's impossible to ignore the contribution of A V Dicey. He was a significant writer on the workings of the British Constitution - but first and foremost a teacher. He knew how to impress an idea on his students minds - and keep it there. Any student of constitutional law would spend their limited time wisely if they searched their textbooks for summaries of key UK doctrines - the Rule of Law; Parliamentary Sovereignty - by Dicey. He recognised the value of "three points". I'll talk to my students this morning about his three points on Parliamentary Sovereignty. I won't even have to glance at my notes. They are instantly memorable.

But was Dicey right? Do his three points accurately represent the doctrine? Is it a useful doctrine anyway? Is it in fact a hindrance to the development of modern constitutional law - and at the heart of Britain's problematic relationship with the EU; and various international treaties that we are subject to?

I personally think it is outdated; and the cause of unnecessary problems - BUT Dicey's three points are an excellent way of explaining - and setting out the grounds for debate. His clarity is useful for revision - and a good framework for undertaking critical analysis.

So over the next few posts I'll use the three points to explain the doctrine.

Monday, 20 February 2012

Sovereignty

This word is often used - for many law and politics students in the context of "Parliamentary Sovereignty".

One of the first writers to discuss the concept was Jean Bodin (1529/30 - 1596), who published in 1576 "Les Six Livres de la Republique". Cambridge University Press have taken some of the chapters and published them as "On Sovereignty" which was edited by Julian Franklin



The context was that the idea of being "English" or "French" was changing from the feudal idea of being the subject of a particular king (as in "I am English because I owe my allegiance to the King of England") to being from a particular geographic area (the modern idea of "I am English because I was born/live permanently in England). Ideas of states based on geography, and have a single source of constitutional power began to develop.

Parliamentary Sovereignty is a concept based on that idea of there being a single source of power. Once the King was sovereign (this is not a pun!) - but after the English Civil War, and certainly after the "Glorious Revolution" in which Parliament 'chased James II out of town' and chose William and Mary to be the new Monarchs - it was recognised that power derives from Parliament. It can make or dissolve any institution (it can create, and subsequently abolish a Scottish Parliament; institutions of local government; Courts...); and define who can become King (Act of Settlement 1701).

Dicey is the most well known academic who sought to describe and define the principle. To slightly paraphrase him - it means

1 Parliament can pass any law it wants (unlike the US Congress which can have its laws struck down by the Supreme Court if in conflict with the Constitution)

2 A Parliament is not bound by its predecessors (so there can be no entrenched legislation which forces a later Parliament to use special procedures to change specific laws - like a 2/3 majority, or a referendum)

3 What Parliament has done cannot be questioned in the Courts (another aspect of the first meaning)

But Parliamentary Sovereignty has been challenged. It sits uneasily with British membership of the European Union. By passing the European Communities Act 1972. Our membership involves agreeing to limit our legislative freedom - and to be subject to decisions of the Court of Justice of the European Union.In the Thoburn case it was recognised that the usual principle of "implied repeal" didn't apply to the European Communities Act. Of course the answer to a claim that Parliamentary Sovereignty is dead - is that Parliament retains the sovereign right to repeal the European Communities Act.

Dicey is not the only view of the doctrine. There is an excellent, thought provoking book by Jeffrey Goldsworthy




Most Constitutional Textbooks rehearse the various arguments. If you are a law student - be sure that you are able to define the doctrine and discuss the various arguments about its strength today. Don't forget the importance of critically evaluating the arguments put forward by the various commentators.

Tuesday, 27 September 2011

Parliamentary Sovereignty

An important issue in UK Constitutional Law is the concept and doctrine of Parliamentary Sovereignty. As ever an outline MindMap (for developing further!!!) is set out below.

The important things to be able to do are to - describe and explain the doctrine; give examples of how it works in practice; and to critically evaluate the claims of Dicey; his supporters and those who have challenged him. This is an important point - describing is a lower level skill; explaining shows that you understand and can communicate that understanding; the use of examples is evidence of your ability to use relevant materials - and again shows a depth of understanding. But "critical evaluation" demonstrates the highest level of thinking. Lawyers need to be able to challenge - putting forward arguments to support a proposition - and anticipating (and responding to) opposing arguments.

Saturday, 24 September 2011

W201 Revision Posts

This blog has been running for nearly 5 years - and there is much material which is useful for exam revision.

I list some of the posts you might wish to revisit

Constitutions


Are they necessary? http://washminster.blogspot.com/2011/02/are-they-necessary.html
Constitutions http://washminster.blogspot.com/2011/02/constitutions.html
The New British Constitution http://washminster.blogspot.com/2010/04/new-british-constitution.html
A useful tool http://washminster.blogspot.com/2010/12/useful-tool.html
Power http://washminster.blogspot.com/2010/07/power.html
Checks & Balances http://washminster.blogspot.com/2010/06/checks-and-balances.html
Comparing Constitutions http://washminster.blogspot.com/2010/01/comparing-constitutions.html
Why Procedures matter http://washminster.blogspot.com/2009/10/why-procedure-matters.html

Sources of the UK Constitution

http://washminster.blogspot.com/2009/10/sources-of-constitution.html
http://washminster.blogspot.com/2008/11/conventions.html

Conventions: http://washminster.blogspot.com/2010/09/conventions.html
http://washminster.blogspot.com/2011/01/are-standards-slipping-in-lords.html
http://washminster.blogspot.com/2010/05/what-conventions-apply.html

Parliamentary Standing Orders http://washminster.blogspot.com/2010/10/rules.html

Parliamentary Sovereignty
 
http://washminster.blogspot.com/2010/09/parliamentary-sovereignty.html
http://washminster.blogspot.com/2011/01/parliamentary-sovereignty.html

Tuesday, 25 January 2011

Parliamentary Sovereignty

Question Asked by Lord Lester of Herne Hill

To ask Her Majesty's Government whether the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty derives from recognition by the courts of the legislative supremacy of Parliament; and, if not, what is the source of the doctrine in British constitutional law.[HL5827]

The Minister of State, Ministry of Justice (Lord McNally): The Government note that there are differing views concerning the origin of the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. They consider, however, that it is clear that the legal principle of parliamentary sovereignty is recognised and applied by the courts.

Saturday, 4 September 2010

Parliamentary Sovereignty

Law students are inducted into the mysteries of "Parliamentary Sovereignty" as part of their Constitutional Law studies. It's a favourite (for those who set them at least!) exam subject. There have been a number of Washminster postings on the subject -

11 Sept 2007

21 June 2009

29 Sept 2009

14 Jan 2010

Key to understanding the topic are -

* Dicey's teachings on Parliamentary Sovereignty
* the challenges that membership of the European Union has for Dicey's traditional view of the doctrine
* how the Human Rights Act 1998 attempts to recognise the doctrine - but how its application (interpretation under s3 widely used, rather than Declaration of Incompatability - s4)

Particular issues to reflect upon

- is the doctrine one of substance or procedure? - Edinburgh and Dalkeith Rly Co v Wauchope (1842) 8 Cl & Fin 710, 8 ER 279, Lee v Bude and Torrington Junction Rly Co (1871) LR 6 CP 576 and BRB v Pickin [1974] AC 765 - all uphold the principle that what parliament says is the law is accepted by the Courts as such - the "Enrolled Bill Rule"

- what do cases on the doctrine of Implied Repeal say that is relevant? - and in particular Thoburn v Sunderland City Council [2002] 3 WLR 247?

Tom Bingham (Rt Hon Lord Bingham of Cornhill) has some very useful remarks on the subject in his book "The Rule of Law".

Monday, 22 February 2010

The Rule of Law



Many books deserve a fulsome recommendation. A very few fall into that rare category of "books every citizen should read". One small book out this year more than exceeds the criteria for inclusion in this limited list [the criteria should be (1) the writer has something VERY important to say AND (2) it is written in plain, readable language]

Lord Bingham of Cornhill ['Tom Bingham' is the name on the book] has been Master of the Rolls (head of England and Wales' civil justice system); Lord Chief Justice (head of the judiciary of England and Wales) and the Senior Law Lord (in the House of Lords Judicial Committee - the highest court in the UK before it became the Supreme Court). When he writes about the law, he knows what he is writing about! (Times' Profile)

"The Rule of Law" [London: Allen Lane, 2010 ISBN 978-1-846-14090-7] is a short, but incredibly powerful and useful book. It explains - in a very readable way - a central concept in English Law. He sets out a history of the idea, then explains what it means. It is no obscure academic principle, but the foundation upon which liberty rests. Every citizen should read this book - because it explains the meaning and importance of the idea - and sets out how easily it can be threatened.

The book is also a superb introduction to English Law. In succinct terms Lord Bingham explains (in a way unrivalled by any textbook I've seen) -
  • sources of English Law (chap 3)
  • principles of the English legal system (Chap 9)
  • Judicial Review (Chap 6)
  • Human Rights Law - including key provisions of the European Convention on Human Rights (Chap 7)
  • principles of International Law (Chap 10)
  • Sovereignty of Parliament (Chap 12)
If you are studying (or about to study) Law - [particularly those subjects traditionally known as 'English Legal System' and 'Constitutional & Administrative Law' (or the Open University's W100, W200, W201, Y166) - this is a book you will find very useful - both for understanding key concepts and for exam revision.
But this is not just a book for law students. Students of politics and history will also find it useful - as indeed (as I've already said a few times) ANY CITIZEN.

Thursday, 14 January 2010

Parliamentary Sovereignty

Yesterday, in the daily adjournment debate, the subject was "Parliamentary Sovereignty". It was led by Bill Cash, so to no one's surprise it was an idiosyncratic attack on the European Union. It did raise issues about the meaning of the the concept. Both Bill Cash's speech and Chris Bryant's response give useful insights into this peculiarly British idea.

The record in Hansard can be read here.

While I am in the United States - I am taking the opportunity to buy and read books and other material on the history of the USA, and particularly the thinking behind Independence and the Constitution. On the way back from Philadelphia and on the Metro in this morning - I read Joseph Ellis' "American Creation". I was particularly struck by his suggestion that Britain lost America because its leadership was unable to break away from the idea that it was "an axiom of political physics, a veritable Newtonian principle of political theory, that there must be one sovereign source of governance"

I have long felt that the UK has created problems for itself by holding to an unsustainable concept of parliamentary sovereignty - which has no room for shared sovereignty (in which the sum of shared sovereignty creates greater control for the nation over its own destiny and more influence in the world). It is a pity that we harm our interests today by failing to take heed of the lesson of the loss of America.
Your comments would be appreciated.

Tuesday, 29 September 2009

A V Dicey

One of the greatest writers about the British Constitution was Albert Venn Dicey. He lived from February 4, 1835 to April 7, 1922. His first major work, "An Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution" appeared in 1885. He is most famous for his work in describing and defining the doctrines of "Parliamentary Sovereignty" and the "Rule of Law".

The doctrine of parliamentary supremacy was summarised by Dicey in three points:



  • Parliament can make law concerning anything. - this is in contrast to the position in many countries where the acts of the legislature can be struck down for conflicting with the Constitution (as can happen in the USA after the Supreme Court claimed the power in Marbury v Madison)

  • No Parliament can bind a future parliament (that is, it cannot pass a law that cannot be changed or reversed by a future Parliament) - put another way, no incoming Parliament is bound by previous parliaments. Again this contrasts with other countries where certain rules are 'entrenched' - meaning the rule can either never be repealed (as with the French Constitution Art 89 "The republican form of government shall not be the object of any amendment") or requires special procedures to amend ( such as Art 5 of the US Constitution requiring 2/3rd of all States or 2/3rd of both House of Congress to propose an amendment - and ratification of the amendment by3/4th of all state legislatures)

  • A valid Act of Parliament cannot be questioned by the court. Parliament is the supreme lawmaker.
There is a very useful article on recent developments on Wikipedia (NOT A SOURCE I WOULD GENERALLY USE OR TRUST) - but whoever the author was, they have produced a useful resource.

Recent developments

Parliamentary sovereignty prevents judicial review of primary legislation passed by Parliament. However, in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, the notion of parliamentary supremacy was modified under the influence of five principal sources: The devolution of power to regional assemblies in Scotland (Scottish Parliament), Wales (Welsh Assembly) and Northern Ireland (Northern Ireland Assembly). All three assemblies can pass primary legislation within the areas that have been devolved to them. As the system remains devolved and not federal, the powers of these assemblies stems from the UK Parliament and can be suspended.

The UK's membership of the European Economic Community, later the European Union, from 1973. The EU represents, as the European Court of Justice ruled in 1963 in the case Van Gend en Loos, a "new legal order of international law for the benefit of which the [Member] States have limited their sovereign rights, albeit within limited fields". The UK became part of that legal order - though the fact that UK membership of the EU has been brought about through Acts of Parliament - principally the European Communities Act 1972 - raises the possibility that Parliament could, as a matter of UK law, pass further legislation unilaterally withdrawing the UK from the Union, or selectively barring the application of European law within the UK.

Following the case of Thoburn v Sunderland City Council certain statutes are protected as Constitutional Statutes. The case involved amendments to the Weights and Measures Act 1985 by the Weights and Measures Act 1985 (Metrication) (Amendment) Order 1994 pursuant to Directive 80/181/EEC. This stated that Imperial measurements could be displayed so long as the metric measurements were displayed in larger type beside them. Thoburn was convicted for only using Imperial measurements. In his defence he argued that allowing even limited use of Imperial measurements was in contravention of the relevant directive and therefore in contravention of Section 2(2) of the European Communities Act 1972. This would have invoked the doctrine of implied repeal which is essential to the doctrine of Parliamentary Sovereignty. In his judgment, Lord Justice Laws held that certain statutes of constitutional importance including Magna Carta and the European Communities Act 1972 could not be repealed by implied repeal. As such, this has slightly limited Parliament's sovereignty.

The enactment of the Human Rights Act 1998 which incorporates part of the European Convention on Human Rights into domestic law. The Act gives UK courts the power to issue a declaration of incompatibility where they believe that the terms of an Act of Parliament are in contravention of the rights guaranteed by the Act. The effect of the declaration is not to annul the Act but send a signal to Parliament which may then choose to amend the offending provision. As with the UK's membership of the European Union, the principle of parliamentary supremacy means that Parliament can at any time vote to repeal the Act and indeed the UK's ratification of the Convention itself.

The increasing use of referendums. Although the result of a referendum is in no way binding on Parliament unless it has previously agreed that this will be case, in practice there will be considerable pressure on Parliament from the electorate to take the result into account.

However, Parliament may withdraw from the most of the commitments it has made or repeal any of the constraints it has imposed on its ability to legislate. Thus, Parliament theoretically remains almost entirely sovereign. The qualifier "almost" is provided because in 1921, after a century of dispute, Parliament passed the Church of Scotland Act 1921 which finally agreed that it does not have sovereignty over the Church of Scotland, the established church in Scotland.

There is a concept in political science of 'legal' and 'political' sovereignty. It can be argued that legal sovereignty has not been lost, because Parliament still retains all its theoretical powers. There are no legal limits on Parliament's sovereignty. However, as it is highly unlikely that the UK would repeal the European Communities Act and leave the EU, and it is unlikely the devolved legislature would be abolished, there are significant political limits on the sovereignty of Parliament. Nevertheless, it remains the case that the UK Parliament could do so without seeking the mutual consent of the EU or the devolved legislatures, as it did with the abolition of the Parliament of Northern Ireland in 1972, and that if it did, these repeals would be legally and politically binding.

This stands in contrast to the Acts of Parliament which have been used to grant independence from the UK to former dominions and colonies in the British Empire. Following the Balfour Declaration, the Statute of Westminster 1931 established a status of legislative equality between the self-governing dominions of the British Empire and the United Kingdom, and provided that Acts passed by the UK Parliament would not apply in the dominions without a dominion's express consent. It is difficult to see how the UK could later resile from that position. By way of further example, the UK Parliament passed the Canada Act 1982 which stated that the UK Parliament would no longer be able to amend the Canadian constitution. If the UK parliament were to repeal or amend the Canada Act 1982, it would be unenforceable as Canada is no longer subject to UK sovereignty.

The full article is available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parliamentary_supremacy#Recent_developments

Sunday, 21 June 2009

Parliamentary Sovereignty

One of the occupational hazards of being a university lecturer is that it becomes impossible to read about your subject - without spotting quotes to use in exam questions. Though (fortunately) I no longer write exam questions - the hazard remains.

I've just read the "Commons Diary" which Sir Menzies Campbell wrote in the House Magazine of May 25th 2009 (I am reliant upon being passed second hand copies - £195 for a years subscription puts it outside my budget!). Commenting on Gordon Brown's statement on parliamentary reform he wrote -

"The doctrine of the supremacy of Parliament is over. Where once Parliament fought with the King to assert its sovereignty, the Commons is now to cede its sovereignty, over some matters at least, to the people. English constitutional doctrine (though not Scottish) is that Parliament is sovereign. Not any more. If it is good enough for MPs' expenses, why not for going to war, or any other issue with even the most minor constitutional effect?

Gordon Brown may not have intended it, but he may have taken the first step to a wholly written constitution."

As all the best exam questions say - "Discuss."